Author: Sam Vaknin
Expectedly, it is vague in the first four months of life. When
presented with depth, the baby realizes that something is
different - but not what. Babies are born with their eyes open
as opposed to most other animal young ones. Moreover, their eyes
are immediately fully functional. It is the interpretation
mechanism that is lacking and this is why the world looks fuzzy
to them. They tend to concentrate on very distant or on very
close objects (their own hand getting closer to their face).
They see very clearly objects 20-25 cm away. But visual acuity
and focusing improve in a matter of days. By the time the baby
is 6 to 8 months old, he sees as well as many adults do, though
the visual system - from the neurological point of view - is
fully developed only at the age of 3 or 4 years. The neonate
discerns some colours in the first few days of his life: yellow,
red, green, orange, gray - and all of them by the age of four
months. He shows clear preferences regarding visual stimuli: he
is bored by repeated stimuli and prefers sharp contours and
contrasts, big objects to small ones, black and white to
coloured (because of the sharper contrast), curved lines to
straight ones (this is why babies prefer human faces to abstract
paintings). They prefer their mother to strangers. It is not
clear how they come to recognize the mother so quickly. To say
that they collect mental images which they then arrange into a
prototypical scheme is to say nothing (the question is not
"what" they do but "how" they do it). This ability is a clue to
the complexity of the internal mental world of the neonate,
which far exceeds our learned assumptions and theories. It is
inconceivable that a human is born with all this exquisite
equipment while incapable of experiencing the birth trauma or
the even the bigger trauma of his own inflation, mental and
physical.
As early as the end of the third month of pregnancy, the fetus
moves, his heart beats, his head is enormous relative to his
size. His size, though, is less than 3 cm. Ensconced in the
placenta, the fetus is fed by substances transmitted through the
mother's blood vessels (he has no contact with her blood,
though). The waste that he produces is carried away in the same
venue. The composition of the mother's food and drink, what she
inhales and injects - all are communicated to the embryo. There
is no clear relationship between sensory inputs during pregnancy
and later life development. The levels of maternal hormones do
effect the baby's subsequent physical development but only to a
negligible extent. Far more important is the general state of
health of the mother, a trauma, or a disease of the fetus. It
seems that the mother is less important to the baby than the
romantics would have it - and cleverly so. A too strong
attachment between mother and fetus would have adversely
affected the baby's chances of survival outside the uterus.
Thus, contrary to popular opinion, there is no evidence
whatsoever that the mother's emotional, cognitive, or
attitudinal state effects the fetus in any way. The baby is
effected by viral infections, obstetric complications, by
protein malnutrition and by the mother's alcoholism. But these -
at least in the West - are rare conditions.
In the first three months of the pregnancy, the central nervous
system "explodes" both quantitatively and qualitatively. This
process is called metaplasia. It is a delicate chain of events,
greatly influenced by malnutrition and other kinds of abuse. But
this vulnerability does not disappear until the age of 6 years
out of the womb. There is a continuum between womb and world.
The newborn is almost a very developed kernel of humanity. He is
definitely capable of experiencing substantive dimensions of his
own birth and subsequent metamorphoses. Neonates can immediately
track colours - therefore, they must be immediately able to tell
the striking differences between the dark, liquid placenta and
the colourful maternity ward. They go after certain light shapes
and ignore others. Without accumulating any experience, these
skills improve in the first few days of life, which proves that
they are inherent and not contingent (learned). They seek
patterns selectively because they remember which pattern was the
cause of satisfaction in their very brief past. Their reactions
to visual, auditory and tactile patterns are very predictable.
Therefore, they must possess a MEMORY, however primitive.
But - even granted that babies can sense, remember and, perhaps
emote - what is the effect of the multiple traumas they are
exposed to in the first few months of their lives?
We mentioned the traumas of birth and of self-inflation (mental
and physical). These are the first links in a chain of traumas,
which continues throughout the first two years of the baby's
life. Perhaps the most threatening and destabilizing is the
trauma of separation and individuation.
The baby's mother (or caregiver - rarely the father, sometimes
another woman) is his auxiliary ego. She is also the world; a
guarantor of livable (as opposed to unbearable) life, a
(physiological or gestation) rhythm (=predictability), a
physical presence and a social stimulus (an other).
To start with, the delivery disrupts continuous physiological
processes not only quantitatively but also qualitatively. The
neonate has to breathe, to feed, to eliminate waste, to regulate
his body temperature - new functions, which were previously
performed by the mother. This physiological catastrophe, this
schism increases the baby's dependence on the mother. It is
through this bonding that he learns to interact socially and to
trust others. The baby's lack of ability to tell the inside
world from the outside only makes matters worse. He "feels" that
the upheaval is contained in himself, that the tumult is
threatening to tear him apart, he experiences implosion rather
than explosion. True, in the absence of evaluative processes,
the quality of the baby's experience will be different to ours.
But this does not disqualify it as a PSYCHOLOGICAL process and
does not extinguish the subjective dimension of the experience.
If a psychological process lacks the evaluative or analytic
elements, this lack does not question its existence or its
nature. Birth and the subsequent few days must be a truly
terrifying experience.
Another argument raised against the trauma thesis is that there
is no proof that cruelty, neglect, abuse, torture, or discomfort
retard, in any way, the development of the child. A child - it
is claimed - takes everything in stride and reacts "naturally"
to his environment, however depraved and deprived.
This may be true - but it is irrelevant. It is not the child's
development that we are dealing with here. It is its reactions
to a series of existential traumas. That a process or an event
has no influence later - does not mean that it has no effect at
the moment of occurrence. That it has no influence at the moment
of occurrence - does not prove that it has not been fully and
accurately registered. That it has not been interpreted at all
or that it has been interpreted in a way different from ours -
does not imply that it had no effect. In short: there is no
connection between experience, interpretation and effect. There
can exist an interpreted experience that has no effect. An
interpretation can result in an effect without any experience
involved. And an experience can effect the subject without any
(conscious) interpretation. This means that the baby can
experience traumas, cruelty, neglect, abuse and even interpret
them as such (i.e., as bad things) and still not be effected by
them. Otherwise, how can we explain that a baby cries when
confronted by a sudden noise, a sudden light, wet diapers, or
hunger? Isn't this proof that he reacts properly to "bad" things
and that there is such a class of things ("bad things") in his
mind?
Moreover, we must attach some epigenetic importance to some of
the stimuli. If we do, in effect we recognize the effect of
early stimuli upon later life development.
At their beginning, neonates are only vaguely aware, in a binary
sort of way.
l. "Comfortable/uncomfortable", "cold/warm", "wet/dry",
"colour/absence of colour", "light/dark", "face/no face" and so
on. There are grounds to believe that the distinction between
the outer world and the inner one is vague at best. Natal fixed
action patterns (rooting, sucking, postural adjustment, looking,
listening, grasping, and crying) invariably provoke the
caregiver to respond. The newborn, as we said earlier, is able
to relate to physical patterns but his ability seems to extend
to the mental as well. He sees a pattern: fixed action followed
by the appearance of the caregiver followed by a satisfying
action on the part of the caregiver. This seems to him to be an
inviolable causal chain (though precious few babies would put it
in these words). Because he is unable to distinguish his inside
from the outside - the newborn "believes" that his action evoked
the caregiver from the inside (in which the caregiver is
contained). This is the kernel of both magical thinking and
Narcissism. The baby attributes to himself magical powers of
omnipotence and of omnipresence (action-appearance). It also
loves itself very much because it is able to thus satisfy
himself and his needs. He loves himself because he has the means
to make himself happy. The tension-relieving and pleasurable
world comes to life through the baby and then he swallows it
back through his mouth. This incorporation of the world through
the sensory modalities is the basis for the "oral stage" in the
psychodynamic theories.
This self-containment and self-sufficiency, this lack of
recognition of the environment are why children until their
third year of life are such a homogeneous group (allowing for
some variance). Infants show a characteristic style of behaviour
(one is almost tempted to say, a universal character) in as
early as the first few weeks of their lives. The first two years
of life witness the crystallization of consistent behavioural
patterns, common to all children. It is true that even newborns
have an innate temperament but not until an interaction with the
outside environment is established - do the traits of individual
diversity appear.
At birth, the newborn shows no attachment but simple dependence.
It is easy to prove: the child indiscriminately reacts to human
signals, scans for patterns and motions, enjoys soft, high
pitched voices and cooing, soothing sounds. Attachment starts
physiologically in the fourth week. The child turns clearly
towards his mother's voice, ignoring others. He begins to
develop a social smile, which is easily distinguishable from his
usual grimace. A virtuous circle is set in motion by the child's
smiles, gurgles and coos. These powerful signals release social
behaviour, elicit attention, loving responses. This, in turn,
drives the child to increase the dose of his signaling activity.
These signals are, of course, reflexes (fixed action responses,
exactly like the palmar grasp). Actually, until the 18th week of
his life, the child continues to react to strangers favourably.
Only then does the child begin to develop a budding
social-behavioural system based on the high correlation between
the presence of his caregiver and gratifying experiences. By the
third month there is a clear preference of the mother and by the
sixth month, the child wants to venture into the world. At
first, the child grasps things (as long as he can see his hand).
Then he sits up and watches things in motion (if not too fast or
noisy). Then the child clings to the mother, climbs all over her
and explores her body. There is still no object permanence and
the child gets perplexed and loses interest if a toy disappears
under a blanket, for instance. The child still associates
objects with satisfaction/non-satisfaction. His world is still
very much binary.
As the child grows, his attention narrows and is dedicated first
to the mother and to a few other human figures and, by the age
of 9 months, only to the mother. The tendency to seek others
virtually disappears (which is reminiscent of imprinting in
animals). The infant tends to equate his movements and gestures
with their results - that is, he is still in the phase of
magical thinking.
The separation from the mother, the formation of an individual,
the separation from the world (the "spewing out" of the outside
world) - are all tremendously traumatic.
The infant is afraid to lose his mother physically (no "mother
permanence") as well as emotionally (will she be angry at this
new found autonomy?). He goes away a step or two and runs back
to receive the mother's reassurance that she still loves him and
that she is still there. The tearing up of one's self into my
SELF and the OUTSIDE WORLD is an unimaginable feat. It is
equivalent to discovering irrefutable proof that the universe is
an illusion created by the brain or that our brain belongs to a
universal pool and not to us, or that we are God (the child
discovers that he is not God, it is a discovery of the same
magnitude). The child's mind is shredded to pieces: some pieces
are still HE and others are NOT HE (=the outside world). This is
an absolutely psychedelic experience (and the root of all
psychoses, probably).
If not managed properly, if disturbed in some way (mainly
emotionally), if the separation - individuation process goes
awry, it could result in serious psychopathologies. There are
grounds to believe that several personality disorders
(Narcissistic and Borderline) can be traced to a disturbance in
this process in early childhood.
Then, of course, there is the on-going traumatic process that we
call "life".
About the author:
Sam Vaknin is the author of Malignant Self Love - Narcissism
Revisited and After the Rain - How the West Lost the East. He is
a columnist for Central Europe Review, United Press
International (UPI) and eBookWeb and the editor of mental health
and Central East Europe categories in The Open Directory,
Suite101 and searcheurope.com.
Visit Sam's Web site at http://samvak.tripod.com